Latin America:
Venezuela is the sixth largest country in South America. Geographically, it is one of the most diverse countries in the world – with landscapes ranging from the dense rain forests of Las Amazonas; incredibly beautiful Caribbean beaches; dry deserts; the powerful Rio Orinoco; El Salto Angel which is the tallest waterfall in the world; wide plains and great plateaus of los llanos and La Gran Sabana; and even snow capped mountains of the Andes. With year-round near perfect weather, makes Venezuela a near paradise. The 24 million people that make up Venezuela are generally known as wonderfully open, warm and expressive.
Venezuela shares a border with Brazil, Colombia and Guyana. The country is especially well known for its vast oil reserves – so much that at times Venezuela is referred to as the Saudi Arabia of South America. In 1960 the country was a founding member of OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries). Presently, Venezuela is the fifth largest producer of oil in the world, having lost its position as the world’s largest exporter in 1970 to Middle Eastern countries.
Like Colombia and Brazil, the main Indigenous groups originally inhabiting Venezuela were the Caribs and the Arawaks. The Chibcha (the most advanced of all the Indigenous cultures), inhabited the Eastern slopes of the Andes. Together they numbered at least 500,000 in 1498. As in other parts of Latin America, the genocide of the indigenous population led to African slavery used in order to continue the production of sugar, tobacco, cocoa and beef for export to Europe.
Under the Spanish invasion, Venezuela suffered less than other parts of South America, due to the fact that Spain sent very few settlers to the region. The mineral wealth in other parts of Latin America kept Spanish settlement concentrated along the Atlantic and Pacific Coasts of South America, and the affairs of what was to become Venezuela was mostly on the periphery of Spanish conquest, generally governed from Bogotá. Because of the lack of mineral wealth and relative isolation of Venezuela during the colonial period, it became the epicenter of the strongest movements for independence from Spain. The great liberator Simón Bolívar was born in Venezuela, and today he continues to represent the highest example of Venezuelan Patriotism.
For a century after independence, imperialists inspired civil wars among the ruling elite which hindered political stability. In the 1840s a border dispute exploded into open warfare against the then British colony of Guyana, in which even to this day Venezuela still claims this territory as its own.
In the early 1900s, Venezuela began to surge forward economically with the discovery of oil, and by the 1920s the ruling class had benefited greatly by wealth generated from “black gold.” Throughout this period dictators dominated the country, enriching themselves at the cost of poverty imposed on the masses. In 1947 Rómulo Betancourt led a military uprising with popular support, and introduced a new constitution, ushering in the first ever democratically elected president, Rómulo Gallegos. Ten months later he was ousted in a coup d’etat. Civil and labor federations were banned, as was the Communist Party. Venezuela would not know of another elected president for over ten years. A military junta controlled the country for some time. Petrodollars had an incredibly important role in the consolidation of one of the most corrupt, backward and racist ruling classes of Latin America. By the 1950s 80% of the national wealth was in the hands of 2% of the population.
THE RISE AND FALL OF PEREZ JIMENEZ
The extreme violence of the Pérez Jiménez dictatorship created divisions within the military, and conspiracies against him became widespread. Ironically, Pérez Jiménez had begun attempts at rebuilding his image to portray himself as a nationalist, in which he initiates numerous public works projects and begins to promote the development of national industry. This compromised him from support by the U.S. and he was left to his own accords.
In 1958, as in the past, a group of military officers rose up rebelling against the dictator, but were quickly crushed. Yet this time a new factor came into play – the attempted coup triggered a popular uprising from the general population. A general strike was convoked, and the uprising spread. Patriotic forces within the military joined in, to bring down the dictator. Pérez Jiménez fled the country on January 23, 1958.
“EL PACTO DE PUNTO FIJO” – LOS ADECOS Y COPEYANOS AND THE RISE OF THE ARMED MOVEMENT
The AD and Copeyanos then formed an alliance with the military hierarchy and the most powerful sectors of the ruling class. They were ready to fill the vacuum left by Pérez Jiménez. Once the dictator was out, they came in with a “freely elected civilian government.” On December 7, 1958 Rómulo Betancourt (an Adeco) was inaugurated for a second time bringing to an end the era of military rule.
The Adecos and Copeyanos would rule Venezuela for forty years under “puntofijismo,” and institutionalize levels of corruption unrivaled in Latin America and even the world.
That same year the radical wing of the AD broke away and formed the Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR) – one of several armed organizations of the time. By 1962 guerilla organizations were active throughout the country, and even the military leftist and nationalist groups conspired against the government. The armed wing of the PCV, the MIR and later the UTC (Unidades Tácticas de Combate) pulled off acts of armed propaganda, and clashes with the police and armed forces became common.
In 1963, from the union of six different armed organizations was born “Las Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación Nacional” (FALN), and a few months later “El Frente de Liberación Nacional”, (FLN – the political front of the FALN). This guerrilla received significant support from Cuba, and the revolutionary armed struggle spread across the country.
The decline of the guerrilla struggle began in 1965 when the PCV pulled its support for the armed struggle. Counterinsurgent efforts were expanded with the support of the U.S. and numerous leaders were assassinated. In 1968 the FALN was disbanded and the armed struggle effectively neutralized.
El CARACAZO
Carlos Andrés Pérez (also known as “CAP” or “el Gocho”) was twenty days into his term as president in February of 1989. He was an Adeco and had won the presidential seat once before in 1973. His first significant decree as president was the imposition of a series of “austerity” measures in order to supposedly rebuild the economy that had been in crisis – a decision he had come to, under advisement from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). These measures included a 30% increase in cost of public transportation, which went to effect immediately.
Beginning at approximately 5:00 am on February 27, 1989 thousands of people began to emerge from their homes and apartments in the poor sectors of Caracas. As the day went on hundreds of thousands took the streets, and soon Caracas had been overrun by a massive demonstration of popular anger against “El Gocho.” Across the country it is estimated that over 10 million participated in some form of protest against Andrés Pérez.
The governing Adeco government would not have its power challenged so openly, and the order was given to the military to join the Policía Metropolitana to repress the people. What the soldiers soon found was that the more violent they got, the more the people resisted, and soon they had transformed street protests into pitched battles. Most notably was the response from the legendary and combative barrio “23 de Enero” and the Tupamaros – they beat back wave after wave of attacks from every side launched against them by the Policía Metropolitana, la Guardia Nacional, and the regular army. These brave Compañeras and Compañeros merit their own separate article in a future issue of ¡La Verdad!
CAP directly ordered that the streets be retaken by any means, and the military and police unleashed a wave of violence never before seen in modern Venezuela. Over the next 48 hours the military patrolled the poor sectors of the city, with order to shoot down anything that moved. Official numbers place the number of dead at 277, but common knowledge among caraqueños places the number at no less than 10,000. This massacre stripped away any legitimacy that puntofijismo had retained, and set the stage for what would later be called La Revolución Bolivariana.
TENIENTE CORONEL HUGO CHAVEZ FRIAS
As a talented natural leader, Chávez rose through the ranks, and by the time of the Caracazo he had achieved the rank of Lieutenant. Even before the Caracazo, Chavez and other like-minded revolutionary nationalist officers had been secretly voicing their opposition to the neocolonial vendepatria policies of puntofijismo. They had formed the MBR-200 and dedicated themselves in promoting the rebirth of Bolivarianism and towards the advancement of all Venezuelan society. With the Caracazo, conspiracies began to spread, and the MBR-200 began to organize secretly with leftist organizations outside of the military.
Through 1991 rumors of a coup were everywhere in Caracas. Numerous military officials were arrested, and an intense repression was set loose against poorest and most combative sectors of the city. By the beginning of 1992 all the plans had been consolidated, and the conspirators were ready to move.
On February 2, 1992 Chavez led a “Civic-Military” uprising against the government of CAP. Immediately things began to fall apart, with key sectors of the military pulling back their support for the coup. Yet, popular support for the rebellion was immediate and intense. Unfortunately, this was not enough, and by February 4th the rebellion was put down. Chávez agreed to turn himself in, but only on the condition that he be allowed to directly address the population of Venezuela on the government news channel. He also demanded that he be allowed to appear in his full paratrooper uniform including his red beret and his rank of Lieutenant Coronel. During his statement Chavez spoke directly to Venezuela, and explained the goals of the rebellion. He assumed full responsibility for his actions and electrified the people with one important sentence: “Sadly we have not achieved our objectives – For Now...”
18 people were killed and 60 more wounded during the rebellion. Chávez and his co-conspirators were imprisoned, but continued to agitate against the government. Tens of thousands of people took to the street in support of this Bolivarian movement, and every day massive groups of people would surround the prison where they were held, attempting to visit these men in whom they had seen their hopes take form.
1998 ELECTIONS TO THE APRIL 11, 2002 GOLPE
After numerous attempts at holding on the presidency, the puntofijista parties moved to create a new political face by bringing more peripheral political parties into their pact. This move was called “Democratic Convergence” and in the end this new coalition placed Rafael Caldera Rodriguez (an old Copeyano) into power in 1994. He held the presidency until 1998, by the time Chávez had became a national hero and the Bolivarian movement had taken structure under the name of Movimiento Quinta República.
On December 6, 1998 Chávez won the presidential election with over 56% of the vote, and swept away the Adecos and Copeyanos. Soon after, he called for a National Constitutional Assembly (ANC), assigned with the task of developing a new constitution. In a national referendum 88% of Venezolanos supported the idea, and then elected 124 “Chavistas” out of the 131 members of the ANC to develop the new constitution. On December 15, 1999 Venezuela overwhelmingly approved the new Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.
In case there was any doubt of the support Chávez had, he called for a second round of national elections under the new constitution. On July 30, 2000 Chavez won the presidency again with 59% of the vote, and the MVR assumed control of the National Assembly, State Assemblies and municipal governments – in one electoral process sweeping away all the last vestiges of the puntofijista parties.
Chávez has openly opposed U.S. imperialist policies – visiting Saddam Hussein, Momarh Kadafi, opposing the war in Afghanistan and publicly promoting his admiration and friendship with Comandante en Jefe Fidel Castro.
These dramatic changes within the government of Venezuela created serious tensions between the Bolivarian Government and the elite ruling class. The ruling class slandered and attacked Chávez at every opportunity, calling him a dictator, a communist, a lunatic etc. The hatred of the ruling class goes deeper than simple class conflict. The Venezuelan ruling class is one of the most racist in Latin America, it is common to hear them refer to Chávez as “the monkey”, “the savage”, or other racist labels.
Venezuela’s elite successfully ousted Hugo Chávez from his presidential post on April 11, 2002 in the midst of a general strike and march. Governments throughout Latin America immediately condemned the coup, while the U.S. rushed to offer its support to the new regime on its first and only full day in power. By April 14th, over one million Venezolanos had taken to the streets demanding Chávez be returned and were ready to take the heads of those responsible for the coup. Chávez was flown back to Palacio Miraflores (Venezuela’s Presidential Palace) in a military helicopter, having the people heroically overturn the coup d’etat.
“LOS ESCUALIDOS” AND BOURGEOIS MEDIA
In the place of these political parties, the mainstream media has filled the void, and every major newspaper, television station and radio station preset themselves as violently anti-Chávez. The media in Venezuela actively agitate against the government, they incite violence, and at times even call on military officials to mobilize another coup. Yet, the Chávez government finds way of communicating directly to the people.
The most effective direct link between the government and the general population is the weekly program “Aló Presidente”, which is broadcast on the government TV channel “Venezolana de Television.” Every Sunday Chávez comes out in his program, and for hours speaks directly to the people about whatever crosses his mind – he not only makes urgent statements regarding the political situation in the country, but also explains (using popular language) the policies and direction of the government.
The division in Venezuela not only is along class lines, but even more clearly along racial lines. The ruling upper class is generally without exception racially White, and the supporters of Chávez are in the majority Mestizo and Black. This is seen most clearly at the different marches that occur so frequently in Caracas – when the Chavistas march all you see is “gente morena,” from working class parroquias. The anti-Chávez marches are filled with blond hair and pale skin, suntan lotion, Evian water bottles, and cellular phones. The differences are so sharp it would be humorous, expect for the fact that the anti-Chavistas are so dangerous.
In an episode of “Aló Presidente” Chávez used the term “escualidos” to describe the opposition (which means squalid). He was referring to not only the physical appearance of the opposition, but also their political weakness. Since that time, people who oppose Chávez are popularly known as “escualidos.”
LA REVOLUCION BOLIVARIANA
SUPPORT CHAVEZ THE BOLIVARIAN MOVEMENT
In many cases people prefer to avoid calling the current changes in Venezuela a “revolution.” Some people call it “el Proceso Bolivariano,” or even “Participatory Democracy.” Regardless of how the movement is defined, it is undeniably in the interests of the poor and working class, and it already has provided a model of progressive change throughout Latin America. While there are many contradictions, and the Venezolanos are the first to recognize them, we salute the Compañeras and Compañeros Bolivarianos of Venezuela. We, like the great majority of the poor and working class of Venezuela, recognize Presidente Hugo Chávez Frías as the leader of La Revolución Bolivariana.
By November of 1952 General Marcos Pérez Jiménez had assumed complete control over the country with the support of petrodollars and the U.S. Department of State. He imposed levels of brutality that set him apart from other military dictators. Pérez Jiménez implemented fascist forms of social control, using his newly created secret police – the “SN” - Seguridad Nacional to smash any opposition to his rule.
Before the fall of Pérez Jiménez, three political parties that had been banned in Venezuela came together for a meeting in the year 1957 in New York City. At this meeting Acción Democrática (Social Democrats also known as “AD” or “Adecos”), COPEI (Christian Democrats also known as “Copeyanos”) and the URD (Unión Republicana Democrática – which later pulled out of the process and faded from power) came to an agreement that would dominate the next 40 years of Venezuelan political history. These three groups agreed on a process of “alternancia” – where they would monopolize political power within themselves passing the presidential chair back and forth among each other. They also agreed to keep the Communist Party out of the process. The outcome of this meeting came to be known as “El Pacto de Punto Fijo”.
In 1961 at the third Congress of the Communist Party a large sector of the organization begins to clearly be leaning towards armed struggle. With the example of the Cuban Revolution fresh in everyone’s mind, the call for revolution also found support among other sectors of the population.
One event in 1989 did more to define the current state of affairs in Venezuela than any other, the Caracazo. One must understand two key points about Venezuela to truly understand the significance of this event. First, political power in Venezuela is concentrated in Caracas, and what happens in this capital city defines what is to come in the rest of the country. Second, since the time of Bolívar and his Ejército Libertador, the Venezuelan military has had the exception characteristic in having large numbers of high-ranking officials that come from the working class and poorest sectors of society.
Hugo Chávez Frías was born in July of 1954 in a rural area called Sabanetas del Orinoco. His parents were schoolteachers, and supported him in his decision to join the military academy at a young age. As a cadet Chávez was influenced by the ideas of Che Guevara, and when he met Coronel Omar Torrijos of Panama he internalized a nationalistic and patriotic perspective to his military career.
Chávez was imprisoned for two years in his role of the failed coup. In March of 1994 he was released after he agreed to retire from the military, while at the same time Carlos Andrés Pérez was removed from office and placed under house arrest on corruption charges.
What now exists in Venezuela is the sharpest class struggle seen in South America in many years. With the series of elections that have taken place under Chávez, the AD and COPEI have been almost entirely wiped out, and the ruling class has been left without a political party representing its class interests.
These are some of the most practical and significant achievements of “La Revolución Bolivariana”: 1. A new Constitution, 2. Government level promotion of racial equality – Indigenous communities are guaranteed seats in the National Assembly, and a political voice has been given to the Black underclass, 3. Promotion of a new national awareness, a class-consciousness, and a participatory democracy in Venezuela, 4. The formation of “Circulos Bolivarianos,” community and barrio based organizations developed to spread, define and consolidate La Revolución Bolivariana, 5. There have been no political persecutions or political prisoners, 6. 49 new laws promoting environmental protections have been approved, 7. Over 500,000 new low-income housing units have been built, 8. The number of doctors serving poor communities has increased, 9. The infant mortality rate has been decreased by over 20%, 10. A national child vaccination campaign has vaccinated over a million children, 11. Public works projects have been expanded throughout the country, especially access to potable water, 12. The budget for public education was increased by over 600%, 13. Over a thousand of new Escuelas Bolivarianas have been opened, and thousands of older schools have been modernized, in which students are fed three meals a day, 14. One million new students have been registered into these new schools, 15. Over 36,000 new teachers have been hired and salaries were increased by 65%, 16. A program of agrarian reform has been implemented, and land has begun to be distributed to the landless, and giant latifundist properties have been broken up, 17. A program promoting urban and rural cooperatives has been implemented, 18. A “Women’s Development Fund” has been provided to assist Mujeres attain economic independence.
We see, for the first time in decades, a military figure standing up and giving imperialism a kick in the ass. Hugo Chávez represents a resurgence of nationalistic and patriotic struggle throughout Latin America. He is a figure that may not follow the traditional model for revolutionaries, but is objectively speaking revolutionary in the political context of Venezuela.